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<title>Defence and Strategic Studies</title>
<link>https://ir.kdu.ac.lk/handle/345/3844</link>
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<pubDate>Wed, 22 Apr 2026 07:09:24 GMT</pubDate>
<dc:date>2026-04-22T07:09:24Z</dc:date>
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<title>The impact of Civil Military Cooperation on Nuclear Deterrence in  South Asia</title>
<link>https://ir.kdu.ac.lk/handle/345/1089</link>
<description>The impact of Civil Military Cooperation on Nuclear Deterrence in  South Asia
de Silva, KSC
Nuclear Weapons are a powerful tool in contemporary international politics, since they act as a crucial element in deciding the strategic bearings of national, regional, and global security. (De Silva, 2012) However proliferation of nuclear weapons increases the chances of a nuclear war. India and Pakistan are the two nuclear weapon states in South Asia that have deep seated enmity over Kashmir. Generally, nuclear powers with similar interest which amounts to a rivalry are considered unlikely to maintain a stable deterrence. Therefore the security of the South Asian region depends- to a considerable extent- on the matrix of nuclear deterrence of India and Pakistan. In this backdrop the possibility of non-adherence to deterrence by India or Pakistan could not be totally ruled out. A scenario of pre-emptive nuclear aggressiveness against each other may result in a worst case security destabilization of the region. One may argue that the nuclear safety of the region is loosely ensured by the vaunted international treaty mechanisms of nuclear disarmament. Furthermore the great powers have also shown a lethargic attitude in pushing India and Pakistan towards regulating their respective nuclear programs to move towards disarmament. The strategic decision making culture of India and Pakistan on Nuclear issues have differences which are poles apart. However India and Pakistan have managed to overcome their inherent problems of nuclear programmes and to avoid the risk of confrontation so far. There are four factors that influence the balance matrix of Indo- Pakistan nuclear relationship. They are the civil military decision making process, the Confidence Building Measures (CBMs), events taking place which could lead to pre-emptive nuclear aggression and nuclear programme verification. The civil - military cooperation of both countries stands as a common element in the above mentioned factors. This paper intends to look at the Civil- Military cooperation as a significant element of nuclear stability in South Asia during the absence of several other stabilising factors mentioned above. As Scott Sagan argues ?organizational proclivities in South Asia could be effectively controlled by tight and sustainable civilian control over military?.( Sagan, 2012) This paper further tries to understand the complex issues of civil- military cooperation in India and Pakistan within and between states (vertically and horizontally) in order to ensure nuclear stability in the region.
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<pubDate>Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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<dc:date>2016-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<title>In Search of a Liquefied Natural Gas Trading Hub in Asia: Sri Lanka’s  Potential to Become a Candidate</title>
<link>https://ir.kdu.ac.lk/handle/345/1088</link>
<description>In Search of a Liquefied Natural Gas Trading Hub in Asia: Sri Lanka’s  Potential to Become a Candidate
Wijayaratne, Chaminda
Asian regions natural gas demand is growing fast but a lack of competitive national and regional markets creates high prices, and the region largely imports Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG). The LNG is one of the energy sources that diversifies Asias energy mix while adding another source for energy security. Asias economic powers like, China, India, Japan, and South Korea as well as many smaller countries like Sri Lanka largely depend on imported energy resources risking human security. As a matter of fact, this dependency is being controlled through diversification of energy sources. India has become fourth largest LNG importer in the world for electricity generation and for domestic cooking. The LNG prices in the region are higher than in any part of the world due to lack of distribution pipelines, regasification infrastructure, storage facilities and a trading hub. The International Energy Agency (IEA) identifies Singapore as the major LNG trading hub for South East Asian Region. In South Asia, by 2030, the Indias growth in per capita income will enlarge the middle class society and its purchasing power, demanding higher standards of living, which will open new markets for LNG and renewable energy supplies. Singapore has a legacy for being the oil trade hub for long years and understands the market. But, when there is a lower demand for LNG, surplus tankers are idling in Singapore shores due to a lack of regasification and storage facilities, and incurring shipping cost to companies of which average cost $ 60,000 per day. In addition, proposed gas pipelines in South Asia: Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline (TAPI), Iran-Pakistan-India Gas pipeline (IPI), and Myanmar-Bangladesh-India Gas pipelines largely depend on contemporary security challenges of involving countries. These challenges push Gas pipeline constructions beyond reality, in which increases dependence on sea commons to supply gas. Therefore, alternative LNG regasification and storage hubs should be in place to support export companies as well as to establish uninterrupted supply to the region. Being located in a major Sea Line of Communication (SLOC) and close proximity to Indian sub-continent increase Sri Lankas potential to become another candidate in providing LNG regasification and storage facilities to the region. Kalpitiya, Mannar, Hambantota, and Trincomalee areas can be developed to have a LNG storage and terminal facility. This paper discusses Sri Lankas potential to become an alternative LNG storage and regasification transit hub for Jurong Island LNG terminal, Singapore or an independent facility for the region, based on secondary sources.
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<pubDate>Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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<dc:date>2016-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<title>Safeguarding National Security through Neo Realistic Approach</title>
<link>https://ir.kdu.ac.lk/handle/345/1084</link>
<description>Safeguarding National Security through Neo Realistic Approach
Wickramasinghe, Chandana
The concept of National Security is an inevitable factor in every country which aims protecting and securing the survival of state. In that context neo realism can be used to identify international (Macro) and Local (Micro) security challenges especially in multi ethnic countries. Neo Realism is usually associated the writings of Kenneth Waltz, who states that power is a key concept in realist theories. It holds the idea that the nature of state is defined by anarchy and distribution of capabilities. Especially an island like Sri Lanka which situated in a strategic location lives in a world of anarchy where states seek to maximise their power relative to other nations for their own survival. Even though we have achieved peace in 2009 still there is a challenge to survive in regional scenario due to multiple threats. Security of a state is about its own survival and when a new security issue emerged, it would justify the use of extraordinary measures to handle them. Therefore it is important to analyse these security challenges through the perspective of neo realism and formulate security policies depending on cooperation and coalitions. This type of method demonstrated the Barry Buzan?s concept of securitization which is a tool of identifying and analysing the challenges of security threats. The research problem of the study is to examine how domestic and external factors influence for National Security in Sri Lanka. The paper will offers a brief description of the strategic concerns of Sri Lanka which provides a base for the subsequent discussion. It is expected to elaborate research findings at the conclusion. Data will be collected from secondary sources such as books, articles, journals and websites. In the light of contemporary understanding of security this research will focus on importance of addressing national security in Sri Lanka.
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<pubDate>Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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<dc:date>2016-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<title>The Role of Youth in Post War Reconciliation</title>
<link>https://ir.kdu.ac.lk/handle/345/1082</link>
<description>The Role of Youth in Post War Reconciliation
Sanjeewani, D .  G .  N
With the elimination of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) in 2009 number of debates made an effort to understand the role of youth in post war reconciliation. Reconciliation represents the process of healing wounds, repairing and transforming a conflict in to peace that drives beyond an ad hoc settlement. Further it recognises potential opportunities to explore and upgrade post conflict developments. As Sri Lanka moves towards reconciliation, it is important to integrate young Ex- LTTE combatants who have been victimized by the thirty years along war in to our society. It involves creating a national identity and sense of belonging for all, regardless of their ethnicity or religions. On the other hand, during the war the youth in the northern and the eastern provinces suffered from fear of terrorism. Due to this inculcation of fear which was carried out by the LTTE they faced issues such as deprivation of their rights to education and employment. Therefore it is essential for the governmental bodies to be concerned and include youth in to the reconciliation process. In this regard the National Youth Policy of Sri Lanka (NYPSL) currently provides an opportunity to explore youth issues in a holistic manner. The NYPSL develops the full potential of youth to enable their active participation in national development. Within that context it is very clear that the government must pay more attention to youth in the reconciliation process. The main objectives of this research paper is to examine the reconciliation of youth through a united and integrated approach. Generally youth are constrained in seeking financial and social independence. Therefore government and community based actors can work together to fulfil those requirements. This study tends to focus on areas including the potentials of both Ex- LTTE combatants and young non-combatants in the northern and eastern provinces. The author follows the qualitative research method using relevant sources such as journals, articles and web sites. Further this paper considers how youth can be empowered to engage in addressing post conflict developments
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<pubDate>Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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<dc:date>2016-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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